While political strikes outside Petrograd were recorded in significant numbers in Moscow and Nizhegorod provinces, in the capital itself it was the metal workers of the Vyborg district who constituted a mere 1 percent of Russia’s industrial working class, that incited 45.7 percent of all political strikes. Simultaneously appeared the Shop and Factory Committees, which took into their own hands the economic struggle and took the lead of the extraordinary wave of strikes. (eds. They delegate their representatives to all the State commissions; 14. To better understand the situation facing … What do unions represent since the conquest of the power by the proletariat? Moreover, revolutionary … In August 1916, 94 percent of all workers, and 61 percent of all factories in Petrograd worked to fulfil the army’s demands. But Otto Bauer and Kautsky have shown that the peasants are against the Soviets. Thatcher, Ian D.: Late Imperial Urban Workers, in: Thatcher, Ian D. Once installed, the Labour Group tried to distance itself from the industrialists, but still lacked the reputation of a legitimate representation of workers’ interests. See most recently: Lohr, Eric: Nationalizing the Russian Empire. We are forced to suffer hunger and cold, but the Russian worker never loses courage. In the beginning of the 1917 Revolution the Bolsheviki were in the minority in the unions; but they did not think of leaving them in order to form others, small, but very proper and very pure ones. Section Editors: Boris Kolonit͡skiĭ; Nikolaus Katzer. The lesson from the Russian Revolution, which is so aptly put by Comrade Lozovsky is that the unions, being the natural grouping of the workers as producers, which develop the class consciousness and militancy of the workers, develop at the same time their sense of responsibility and discipline, preparing them for the difficult task of organizing production and exchange in the Communist society. The metal workers’ union of Petrograd which in August, 1917, had 200,000 members, has only 50,000 now. The Soviet Republic is not a workers’ republic, but — here they lack clarity — a passing formation which must degenerate into a petit-bourgeois Republic. , The third strike wave of July 1916 to January 1917 was also carried by metal workers.  At the same time, due to the needs of the war, branches of industry related to military production (particularly metal working and chemicals) experienced growth; in Petrograd, the working class in the capital grew by 62 percent. The February 1917 Uprising in Petrograd, Bloomington 1987. The war, lit by the criminal hand of the imperialists of all countries, divided the working classes into national diplomatic groups. The assembly of the committees of one city or a district elect the DISTRICT COMMITTEE. 53–71. 825–858. Instead, it was one particular segment of the working class, the metal workers, who, due to their specific position within industrial labour, carried out the political strike movement almost single-handedly throughout the last three war years. What is their structure? Steffens, Thomas: Die Arbeiter von Petersburg 1907 bis 1917. All these Thousand and One Night stories can not but provoke in the Russian workers a sentiment of aversion and disgust. The strike in commemoration of 1905, which took place on 5 January 1917, saw the participation of over one-third of Petrograd’s industrial workforce, and on 14 February of this same year, 85,000 workers laid down tools.. Search. But we must always bear in mind that during the first day that followed the October Revolution. A Quantitative Analysis and Interpretation, in: Haimson, Leopold H./Sapelli, Giulio (eds. The strikes generally ended with deportations to Siberia of the members of the strike committee and the czarist regime tightened its mailed fist and became unbearable and choking. The organised labour movement was weak due to its almost complete illegality. The unions put at the disposal of the new government their forces and their technical means and appealed to the workers to put themselves to work when the victory was assured. They were rather well-paid relative to other workers, and were not hit as hard by war-time wage shortages. An International Perspective, Milan 1992, p. 398ff. Our great crime is to have made the Revolution, not having been too gentle with the bourgeois property, having no particular sympathy for international capitalism, having dared to put a sacrilegious hand on the sacred bourgeois régime. But the defeat of the Revolution was the defeat of the Labor Movement. Soviet Union - Soviet Union - The Russian Revolution: Sometime in the middle of the 19th century, Russia entered a phase of internal crisis that in 1917 would culminate in revolution. Only children can imagine that during the Revolution one can do without the unions or that the communist influence in the labor movement is an accidental and passing phenomenon. Industrialization and Change, Montreal 1976. Its causes were not so much economic or social as political and cultural. Labor in the Russian Revolution: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917-1918: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917-18: Amazon.de: Shkliarevsky, Gennady: Fremdsprachige Bücher Search for Library Items Search for Lists Search for Contacts Search for a Library. This landmark event … During the Industrial Revolution, many workers were put out of employment or had their wages reduced because of uprising machinery. But up to the Revolution in 1905 there were no labor unions in Russia. The unions could not remain indifferent before these strikes, directed against the Social Revolution. They are the expression of the workers’ dictatorship; they are the form that the proletarian State has taken in a determined phase of the development of the social struggle, during the transition period between capitalism and Communism. (ed. Assoc., ca. Some of the skilled workers who were originally drafted into the army were sent back to the factories to make their military contribution on workbenches rather than in trenches, remaining under military discipline within the factories. The polarization of Russian society included a massive wave of peasant revolts, wherein lords’ lands were seized and manors burned to the ground. Thus, workers continued striking for economic betterment, supported by factory committees and trade unions. Remembering the Russian Revolution. Thus the closer we approach Communism, the more the Soviet system extends and consolidates itself, its character as a proletarian apparatus of defense and attack will disappear, for this apparatus can exist only as long as the class struggle lasts. 105–119. Worker Activism in Petrograd and Moscow Between February and October, 1917, in: Haimson/Sapelli (eds): Strikes 1992, pp. Thus, the history of the Russian war-time labour movement is as crucial as it is contested. In August and September we sent broadcast the motto: “No Strikes!” for the conflict between the workers and employers could not be solved by any particular union or in a separate industry, but only by the whole, from the viewpoint of production within the limits of the State. This strengthened their self-confidence and encouraged them to carry out labour disputes. There was an economic struggle, but no unions. But we, the Russian workers, are proud of these crimes. The Russian unions are not organisms of power; however their resolutions (mostly touching upon questions of the toilers’ life and labor) are definite resolutions and always receive the sanction of the corresponding organs of power. A new and unique economic organization is created, which is the synthesis of all the forms which the labor movement takes. We already have the benefit of real revolutionary experience. The Russian unions, like the rest of the labor organizations, find themselves in the just indicated evolution. These two ongoing processes continued to shape the labour struggle well into the war period. Trade Unions in the USA. Petrograd which on the eve of the Revolution had 2,700,000 inhabitants, now has no more than 900,000. Hasegawa, Revolution 1981, pp. During the days of civil war, the strongest labor organizations (in Petrograd, Moscow, etc.) It concluded a pact with the Mensheviki and the Social-Revolutionists, obliging these socialisits — as Miliukov frankly reveals in his History of the Russian Revolution — to defend the bourgeois revolution. Between the outbreak of the war and the February revolution, metal workers organised 71.8 percent of all strikes and provided 83.6 percent of all strikers. Workers and Revolutionaries, June 1907 - February 1917, New Haven 1990; Thatcher, Workers 2005.  Metal workers were recruited not from unskilled migrants, but primarily from worker populations with previous factory experience. In 1881 the Federation of Trades and Labor Unions was founded. It proceeded with the systematic closing down of those plants and factories in which the workers were more revolutionary, in order to subdue these workers by hunger. 1917-1918 gody [Revolution, State, Workers’ Protest. The personnel of the offices and the technicians, especially the latter, did not want at any price to be incorporated in the same union with the workers. work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Russia; labour movement; strikes; workers; revolution, Labour Movements, Trade Unions and Strikes (Russian Empire), Armed workmen bracing for Kornilov’s approach, August 1917, Workers and the Labour Movement Before the War, The Breakdown of the Labour Movement in 1914-1915, The Resurgence of Strike Activity in 1915-1916. The difficulties appeared from the first days of the Revolution. Their primary aim was to negotiate between employers and employees, but gradually they took control over many aspects of production. Pp. In Russia, as in every other country, the labor movement commenced with the development of capitalism. But the State is a passing phenomenon. In 1916, the movement gained momentum and there were between 1,284 and 1,542 strikes with approximately 951,695 to 1,172,052 participants. The Russian Revolution, through both the experience of the soviets and, centrally, the capture of state power, opened an important debate between the Communists and the syndicalists over the relationship between unions and politics which is examined in Darlington’s book. All these and many other burning questions are answered by Comrade Alexis Lozovsky, the head of the Russian Labor Unions and their spokesman in Western Europe in the fall of 1920. In Petrograd the metal workers displayed the most intensive and numerous strike activity. The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, also known as the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party or the Russian Social Democratic Party, was a revolutionary socialist political party founded in Minsk, Belarus. The Russian union replied: No! Labor in the Russian Revolution: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917-1918. There were societies of mutual aid, but not very numerous and their activities were so much limited by the police laws, that they had no influence whatever on the labor conditions … The State, under the Soviet form, as cinder all other forms, must disappear together with the disappearance of the classes. 380–401; Porshneva, Krest’iane 2004, pp. A Discussion of Statistical Data, in: Haimson/Sapelli (eds. This development will be the result of the labor organizations, during a whole historic period whose duration cannot be determined, for it depends on the march, more or less rapid, of the Social Revolution the world over and the definite liberation of humanity from capitalist oppression. In 1916, 330 political and 354 economic strikes, with 377,431 and 243,500 strikers, respectively, were recorded. In Russia there are two types of trade unions: those that survived from the Soviet era and the newly established ones that have appeared independently. While the FNPR unions are not the sole representatives of Russian employees on the ground, they hold 27 of the 30 trade union seats on the Russian Trilateral Commission on the Regulation of Social and Labour Relations that deals with labor issues. The formation of the Federal Society of Journeymen Cordwainers (shoemakers) in Philadelphia in 1794 marks the beginning of sustained trade union orga… Cambridge Soviet Paperbacks, volume 8. First of all, it took possession of all the State institutions; it took possession of the State apparatus itself, knowing full well what decisive role this apparatus plays in the class struggle.  However, the revolution could not put an end to the economic grievances caused by the ongoing war effort. Transcription/Markup: Brian Reid Thus, even the logic of the economic struggle led the Russian unions to the October Revolution. In Moscow, in Petrograd, we saw engineers’ strikes, doctors’ strikes, directed against the workers and the power conquered by them. It suffices to point out that the Russian unions count over 5,000,000 members, while the Communist party has only 600,000. The further we go away from capitalism and we approach Communism, the more will the unions merge with the economic organs of the Soviet Republic, which are already created with the aid of the unions and thus a unique system of economic organisms is created which distributes labor and production. Now in the metal workers’ union there exists a section of engineers and mechanicians; the same in the textile union, in the union of chemical products, and elsewhere. Hasegawa, Revolution 1981, pp. This is the goal which we propose to you, such is our duty and such is the mandate that we have received from the organized working class of Russia. 4. The Revolution is not a plaything with which one amuses oneself and gets tired of. We send the amateurs of abstract discussions to the imperialists of all countries and their press. Postnikov/Fel’dman, Oblik [The Outlook] 2009, p. 294ff. Because the autocratic Russian state prohibited public organization of any sort, especially trade unions, autonomous workers’ movements often shared common interests with revolutionary parties and tended to cooperate with them. The Bolsheviki said: “We are in minority, therefore, we must double our efforts of work in the unions, for if our theory is correct and we must win the toiling masses, we shall conquer the unions as well, which are the organizations of these masses. 31-54. Is the October Revolution a socialist revolution or not? And in this furious vortex of death and destruction, the speculators of the Stock Exchanges and the financial sharks filled their pockets, transforming the human flesh into money, all stained with blood. It is a stupid nonsense, as a well-known Russian writer, Gleb Uspensky has said, to think that 600,000 men can impose their will upon 5,000,000 and that those five million mechanically impose their regime upon 100 million Russian peasants. You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this  One immediate cause of continued strike action was the brutal crushing of unrest in Ivanovo and Kostroma, where workers’ protests against food shortages were violently suppressed. Thus on the 15th of July, 1920, was born on the initiative of the Russian unions, “The International Council of Revolutionary Unions” United by ideas with the Communist party on national scale, the Russian unions believe that it is necessary to establish a close connection and strong ties with the center of the international communist movement, the Third Communist International. The role of the labor unions in the Russian revolution [LozovskiiÌ , A] on Amazon.com. Problems and Prospects, Manchester 2005, pp. ; Smith, Stephen A.: Red Petrograd. 432–435. They watch that the principle of obligatory labor shall be strictly applied; 11. The origins of the labor movement lay in the formative years of the American nation, when a free wage-labor market emerged in the artisan trades late in the colonial period. Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia… ; 4. In the districts, a district union bureau, in the departments, a Soviet of Unions; and in the center the Soviet of the All-Russian Unions. Unprecedented close involvement with the state, radical strikes in the later years of the war and after, the growth of trade union membership, strains and splits in labour movements have all attracted a considerable body of scholarship. When female workers in Petrograd took to the streets on 23 February 1917 to protest against food shortages, the protests widened into a political general strike in the capital. The labor movement first began during the time period of the Industrial Revolution, in the 19th century. This triggered a massive wave of protest strikes in the industrial centres of the empire. This proved unsuccessful and by 1903 the union had to be disbanded because its members had began to take part in strikes. Within a year it had over 9,000 members. 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